Family Literacy:
A Review of Programs and Critical Perspectives
Margaret Caspe, Harvard Family Research Project
June 2003
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For over 20 years educational policies have promoted family literacy programs
in schools and community-based organizations. Family literacy appears in the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act, Reading Excellence Act, Workforce Investment
Act, Community Services Block Grant Act, and the Head Start Act (National Center
for Family Literacy, 2002). In this research review, we (1) define family literacy,
(2) describe critical perspectives on family literacy programs, (3) draw out
the guiding program principles they suggest, and (4) illustrate how these principles
are implemented in three different programs.
What Is Family Literacy?
Family Literacy
The term family literacy is used in several ways: (1) to describe the study
of literacy in the family, (2) to describe a set of interventions related to
literacy development of young children, and (3) to refer to a set of programs
designed to enhance the literacy skills of more than one family member (Britto
& Brooks-Gunn, 2001; Handel, 1999; Wasik et al., 2000).
This review explores family literacy in the second and third sense. It focuses
on intergenerational family literacy programs that work with the family rather
than on the child or the adult separately. Such programs assume that the greatest
impact on literacy development is achieved by combining the effects of early
childhood interventions, early parenting strategies, increased adult literacy,
and enhanced parental support for children's school related functioning (St.
Pierre, Layzar & Barnes, 1995).
Family literacy draws on multiple academic traditions, among them adult literacy,
English as a second language education, child literacy educationin particular
the field of emergent literacy and special education, early childhood development,
cognitive psychology, and parent education. To understand family literacy, however,
two other concepts must be considered: literacy and emergent literacy.
Literacy
Literacy was once defined as the ability to read and write. It was considered
a set of neutral and objective skills independent of social context or ideology
(Street, 1995; Verhoeven & Snow, 2001). Ethnographic research has shed light
on a wide range of culturally specific literacy practices among different communities.
This research provides evidence that literacy involves much more than encoding
and decoding symbols, and is much more complex and difficult to define (Bowman,
2002; Delgado-Gaitan, 1990; Heath, 1983; Valdés, 1996).
Literacy extends beyond the acquisition of reading and writing skills. It entails
the ability to use these skills in a socially appropriate context. The very
notion of literacy is also evolving to include the skills required to function
in a technological society. For example, literacy has come to be used to refer
to a wider domain of activities, from media literacy and computer literacy to
citizenship literacy (Kinzer & Leander, 2003; Wilson, 2002). With this in
mind, family literacy programs must address an expanded definition of literacy
in all its complexity.
Emergent Literacy
The term emergent literacy denotes a developmental continuum along which
children's literacy is acquired. Literacy is not an all-or-none phenomenon that
begins when children start school. Rather, it has its origins early in the life
of a child.
Emergent literacy consists of the knowledge, attitudes, and skills that are
developmental precursors to more established forms of literate behavior (Whitehurst
& Longigan, 1998). It develops not only as a result of direct instruction,
but also as a product of a stimulating and responsive environment (Arzubiaga,
Rueda, & Lilia, 2002). Components of emergent literacy include phonemic
awareness, concepts of print and story, reading styles, and literacy as social
or cultural practice (Purcell-Gates, 2001). Research clearly shows that good
emergent literacy skills are likely to enhance children's school experiences
and help them get started on the path to reading success (Senechal & LeFreve,
2002).
Critical Perspectives on Family Literacy Programs
A growing body of research suggests that despite their good intentions, family
literacy programs are inadvertently undermining the very families they attempt
to help. These arguments fall into four main categories:
- The deficit model
- The research vacuum
- The silent gendered discourse
- The missing social-constructivist perspective
1. The Deficit Model
Critics of family literacy programs argue that programs are often based on the
underlying premise that low-income families are too deficient in literacy practices,
parenting skills, and knowledge to support effective child learning, and hence
require regulation and education to ensure that they literacy is promoted (Auerbach,
1995; Handel, 1999; Whitehouse & Colvin, 2001). Schools attempt to transmit
literacy practices into the home, regardless of their cultural relevance and
acknowledgement of families' existing literacy practices (Delgado-Gaitan, 1990,
2001; Moll, Amanti, Neff & González, 1992; Taylor & Dorsey-Gaines,
1988). Despite trying to be culturally sensitive the solutions presented are
in fact culture-specific and prescriptive, leading toward conformity to particular
values and expectations. Many family literacy programs begin with a deficit
stance that emphasizes parents' need to improve and reluctance to get involved.
Alternatively, these programs might choose to focus on what parents are already
doing and how to reinforce and support their knowledge and skills (Nakagawa,
McKinnon & Hackett, 2001).
2. The Research Vacuum
Critics of family literacy programs also argue that a research vacuum exists
in relation to the most effective ways for programs to work with families and
children (Yaden & Paratore, 2003). Hannon (1999) argues that successful
programs require children and parents to derive clearly identifiable benefits
from participating in the programs. The assumption of many two-generational
programs is that parents gain more than they would from conventional adult education
programs, and that children will gain more than they would from early childhood
education parent involvement programs. While there is now limited evidence from
Britain and the U.S. to support claims that intergenerational family literacy
programs have positive educational effects, there is none to show that they
have greater effects, or are more cost-effective, than separate child-focused
or adult-focused programs (Hannon, 1999). Policies that promote family literacy
programs will need to invest in their documentation and evaluation. Much has
to be learned about programmatic factors that bring about change in children,
adults, and families.
3. The Silent Gendered Discourse
Other critics suggest that family literacy programs, whose participants tend
to be women, often confine them to a domestic sphere (Luttrell, 1996; Weiler,
1991). Using feminist theories, they argue that family literacy programs should
instead empower mothers to question the role of authority, recognize the importance
of personal experience as a source of knowledge, and explore the perspectives
of different races, class, and culture. For instance, in Australia, Kirsten
Hutchinson (2000) applies this lens to her work by having women research their
own literacy socialization and their family's literacy practices. Instead of
being receivers of transmitted knowledge the women investigate their own reading
behaviors and those of their children. Hutchinson uses the women's collective
knowledge as a curriculum to inform them about the key principles involved in
the teaching of reading, writing, math, and computer literacy in schools. By
being engaged in an analysis of their own existing literacy practices, the women
come to see the authority in their knowledge. They recognize their own experiences
as valid.
4. The Missing Social Constructivist Perspective
Critics argue that family literacy programs present notions of family and literacy
that are divorced from their social and political contexts. Perhaps the most
influential proponent of this paradigm was Paulo Freire who showed that literacy
is and should be more than a set of neutral and objective skills. He contended
that the purpose of literacy programs cannot be viewed as simply for the development
of skills aimed at acquiring the dominant standard language. For literacy to
become meaningful it has to be situated and viewed as an integral part of the
way in which people produce, transform, and make sense of the world (Freire
& Macedo, 1987; Orellana, 1996; Osterling, 2001). Family literacy programs
that adhere to Freire's paradigm are considered part of the social change paradigm
(Auerbach, 1995; Neuman, 1995). These programs maintain participant control,
invoke dialogue as a key pedagogical process, develop content that centers on
critical social issues from participants' lives, and create pathways for action
and social change.
Emerging Principles for Family Literacy Programs
From these critical perspectives it is possible to outline several principles
to guide the development and implementation of family literacy programs. These
perspectives suggest that programs should:
- Strive to understand parents' literacy strengths and reinforce their knowledge
and skills.
- Believe that literacy is acquired through shared dialogue, where learners
are actively contributing to their own learning.
- Provide opportunities for adults and children to reflect on literacy practices
in their daily lives.
- Recognize the literacy history of parents and that all parents come with
some memories of literacy.
- Grow out of needs of participants and examine resources in a sociocultural
context.
- Adopt an empowerment philosophy and take action to break down patterns of
social isolation.
- Respond to the interests of adults and children.
- Document their experiences and learn from them, which at the same time contributes
to building a research base for family literacy.
Examples of the application of some of these principles can be found in the
three programs described below. These programs specifically focus on immigrant
families.
The Pajaro Valley Experience
Through discussions of children's literature parents explore new strategies
to develop children's reading and writing skills and contribute to their own
learning. Parents reflect on their own lives as a source of knowledge and are
encouraged to understand that they are critical to their children's development
regardless of their schooling (Ada, 1993). With their newly acquired skills,
parents read to their children and question them about their understanding of
the story using description, personal interpretation, analysis, and creativity.
In 1986 Alma Flor Ada gathered groups of Spanish-speaking parents and their
children to meet and discuss children's literature, and to read the stories
and poems written by the children and their parents (Ada, 1988). Sponsored by
the bilingual program of the Pajaro Valley School District, the program grew
out of the knowledge of the importance of parents' involvement in their children's
education. The program aimed to foster parents' awareness of the significance
of their role and their opportunities and responsibilities for their children's
future. The program encouraged parents and school-aged children to spend time
together every evening with a book, and offered guidance to improve children's
reasoning and clarity of expression.
In monthly meetings, Mexican migrant parents and teachers met at the local
library to read aloud a children's book. After the reading a teacher from the
school (and family members as they became more confident) guided a four-part
discussion.
- The descriptive phase provided opportunities for parents and children to
discuss questions related to information and content of the story. (E.g.,
What happened? Why?)
- The personal interpretative phase focused on a dialogue about parents' and
children's feelings about the story and its connections to previous personal
experience. (E.g., Have you ever felt? What do you do when?)
- The critical phase allows parents to analyze story events and ideas. (E.g.,
How might the character have responded differently?)
- The creative phase explores the discovery of the story's real-life applications.
(E.g., If you were in this situation, what would you do?)
In adapting this program to meet the needs of families in Carpintera, California,
Delgado-Gaitan (2001) noted that learning was more effective when it involved
classroom teachers as the key instructors. Delgado-Gaitan found that all too
often parent facilitators were confused about the pre-designed questioning categories
that parents had to ask their children. She recommended that questions should
be generated naturally from the parents themselves and in the way they feel
most comfortable. She also concluded that the most important part of their
learning was not the category of the question they taught their children to
ask, but the close interaction they experienced through reading with their children
(p.188).
Intergenerational Literacy Project
In this family literacy program, parents extend their own literacy and language
while learning about ways to support their children in US schools. Parents attend
morning or evening classes to read and respond to literacy materials of personal
interest, learn strategies and ideas to share books with their children, and
share their family literacy experiences with their friends and teachers. Classes
are divided into four parts: daily reflections, large group discussions, small
group analysis, and small group summary.
Working in a small urban community in Massachusetts, the Intergenerational
Literacy Project (ILP) serves mainly immigrant families who seek to improve
their English literacy and language, and to become familiar with ways to support
children's education. The program has been in existence for over 10 years. Classes
are offered in both the morning and evening and have been held in various locations
throughout the years, including community centers and schools.
The ILP is based on Bronfenbrenner's ecological approach to children's development.
This approach proposes that children grow and learn in various contexts and
are influenced by the interactions between each of the environments. Thus, the
home environment and parents' literacy skills and practices influence children's
cognitive development.
The ILP is also influenced by the work of Luis Moll and his colleagues (1992)
who coined the term funds of knowledge. Funds of knowledge are the
essential bodies of knowledge and information that households use to survive,
to get ahead, or to thrive. Through this approach students' and families'
experiences and knowledge can be used as learning resources in school. The ILP
seeks to understand how families' literacy experiences outside school can help
them in their learning of academic literacy.
Each ILP class is staffed by an instructional team of two literacy teachers
and three literacy tutors. The teachers are students and researchers at nearby
universities. The class readings consists of original English literature that
has not been simplified or watered down. Parents also might bring readings to
class from home. A typical class session consists of several instructional groupings:
- Parents work individually to record their previous day's literacy activities
and then share their literacy log entries.
- The whole class takes turns reading aloud portion of the day's reading (which
is generally displayed on an overhead projector) and teachers build on the
learner's previous knowledge.
- In small groups, parents read the day's article more and discuss ideas and
vocabulary.
- Small group members, including teachers and tutors, summarize and give their
opinions on what they have read.
While parents are in class, children participate in a free on-site early childhood
education classroom that is designed to facilitate children's language and literacy
development.
The program places emphasis on situating literacy experiences within the fabric
of daily life rather than on the creation of school-like contexts in the home
setting. Further, parents are encouraged to join with their children in
multiple uses of literacy including reading and writing oral histories, composing
letters to friends and family members, journal keeping, story writing, and publishing.
Parents are also taught how to help children with homework, the types of questions
they might ask the classroom teacher to learn about their children's progress,
and the types of questions they might ask their children to learn about the
school day.
Qualitative case study research with families participating in the ILP suggests
that family literacy programs that serve immigrant parents are wise to make
explicit the mainstream culture and values of US schooling as well as build
on household funds of knowledge to support children's success (Paratore, Melzi
& Krol-Sinclair, 1999).
Jane Addams School for Democracy
In learning circles, Hmong and Spanish adult immigrants learn English and
study for the US citizenship test while their children participate in a variety
of literacy activities. Unlike many literacy development programs, the Jane
Addams School for Democracy avoids following an elaborate manual with scripted
exercises. Instead, groups come together informally and co-create the learning
process. Learning circles are divided into two clusters: large circle and learning
pairs.
Jane Addams School for Democracy (the School) is a community-based education
and action initiative, located in Neighborhood House, a 105-year-old settlement
house in a longtime immigrant neighborhood in St. Paul, Minnesota. The School
was created in 1996 as a partnership among Hmong and Latino leaders at the Neighborhood
House, the Center for Democracy and Citizenship at the Hubert Humphrey Institute
of Public Affairs at the University of Minnesota (UMN), the University of Minnesota's
College of Liberal Arts, and the College of St. Catherine. The School does not
use prescribed methods of instruction to teach the English language or prepare
immigrants for the citizen exam. Rather learning occurs in context in a socially
relevant and transformative space where everyone interacts as both learner and
teacher. The primary method for achieving this goal is the learning circle¹
(Family Involvement Network of Educators, 2002).
A learning circle is a group of 812 people from different backgrounds
and viewpoints who meet several times to talk about different themes and topics.
Issues develop from the community and range in subjects from education to democracy
or mental health. In the learning circle, everyone has an equal voice, and people
try to understand each other's views. They do not have to agree with each other.
The idea is to share concerns and look for ways to make things better. A facilitator
helps the group focus on different views and makes sure the discussion goes
well.
The School hosts three learning circles: the Hmong adult circle, the Spanish-speaking
adult circle, and the children's circle, with children of various cultural backgrounds.
In the Hmong adult circle most residents are studying for their citizenship
exam. After a lively cultural exchange as a large group, participants break
into learning pairs (Hmong speakers paired with English-speaking partners) or
small groups for language practice. What is notable about this work is that
everyone is a teacher, everyone is a learner. In other words, doctoral
students, university professors, high school students, and immigrants are all
equally useful sources of knowledge. For example, while one of the cofounders
taught a Hmong woman to drive, the Hmong woman helped her create a garden for
her home; while learning English from high school students, the Hmong women
in return taught high school classes in cooking and dressmaking.
Like the Hmong adult circle, participants in the Spanish adult circle work
in pairs to exchange language skills. The group also holds experiential learning
sessions, such as potluck dinners, where participants share dishes connected
to their cultural backgrounds and have conversations in Spanish and English.
The children's circle is a space co-created by the children, their older siblings,
and college students. More than 60 children per night gather together, speaking
a variety of languagesboth verbal and nonverbal. While they make crafts,
cook, read, and learn photography, the children also teach college students
and all of the participants how to play, create, listen, and learn. They help
students find meaning in and give direction to their academic studies.
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge Gigliana Melzi of New York University for her valuable
feedback on earlier drafts.
¹ The culture circle (or learning
circle) method of instruction is credited to Paulo Freire. The culture circle
is a discussion group in which educators and learners use codifications (representations
of the learner's day-to-day situations such as a photograph, drawing, or word)
to engage in dialogue about their daily and life experience. The peer group
provides the theoretical context for reflection and for transforming interpretations
of reality from mere opinion to a more critical knowledge (Freire, 1973).
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