Questions & Answers
A Conversation With Kay Monaco
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| Kay Monaco |
Kay Monaco was executive director through January 2007 of New Mexico Voices
for Children, a nonpartisan child advocacy organization that provides evidence-based
policy recommendations for state-level policymakers and other opinion leaders.
She has a law degree and, prior to joining New Mexico Voices for Children, spent
16 years working on criminal justice reform initiatives throughout the country,
including in New York City and the District of Columbia. She is an expert on
prison and jail operations and conditions of confinement and has advised numerous
judges and the U.S. Department of Justice. Her work with the criminal justice
system led her to a career in child advocacy by reinforcing her belief that
earlier and greater investment in children would result in less crime and less
incarceration, both of which have enormous fiscal and social costs.
What advocacy approach does New Mexico Voices for Children use?
At New Mexico Voices for Children, we ground our policy work in good, solid
research. This means we use an evidence-based approach when looking at how we
can change systems to improve the health and well-being of New Mexico's children,
particularly children from low-income families. In New Mexico, children in low-income
families are predominantly children of color, and an increasing number are Hispanic.
The core of our work revolves around poverty and economic-justice issues and
the kinds of policies and strategies that can truly change families' economic
status and impact child outcomes. The government can spend money indefinitely
at the programmatic level, but we believe that if we don't change the systemthe
way taxes are collected and spent, for examplecircumstances for these
families will not change.
Our advocacy approach is to work from the top down. We engage community members
at the grassroots level and community leaders, policymakers and other opinion
shapers at the top. We inform them with our research and analysis. If we do
that successfully, policy change can occur.
Do you feel increasing pressure to show that your advocacy efforts make
a difference?
We are finding that funders are concentrating more on how to evaluate
their advocacy investments. They understand that advocacy efforts often involve
5- to 10-year campaigns and that, as a result, we need to look at incremental
policy changes over time, until we have a big win. This requires funders to
be patient and can make it difficult to raise money.
It is much easier to get funding for a concrete program. For example, the city
of Albuquerque has a safe house for abused childrena place where children
who are removed from abusive households can stay for 2 or 3 days while the state
locates a more permanent placement. This is an incredibly important safety valve
for our children and is a tangible program that funders and donors can visit
to see its effects.
Our role, by contrast, is fixing the child welfare system so that fewer
children face abuse and neglect in the first place. When funders ask how we
will change that system, we respond with a whole series of policy and social
changes that need to be rolled out over the next 15 years. Because we are proposing
a long-term process instead of a concrete program, some funders are less interested.
I think that we can address this problem by better educating funders. Direct
service providers and policy advocates both work toward the same outcomea
better world for everyone. The difference is that service providers meet immediate
needs, like food and housing crises, while policy advocates look at long-term
solutions that will, hopefully, lessen the prevalence of such crises. We're
really two halves of the same whole, both of us doing our part to promote change
and both parts equally crucial.
How do you evaluate your advocacy work to show that it makes a difference?
We approach evaluation by examining our theory of change, which we developed
several years ago. Because of its shape, we call our schematic the blowfish
theory of change (see the figure below).
First, community input helps us identify the problems or issues that we need
to focus on. We then use credible and reliable research and data to bring attention
to those problems as well as to ways in which they can be addressed. Then, we
look at how our work informed any intermediate outcomes by examining our success
in engaging our audiences. We include measures like the number of businesses
engaged in an issue, the number of legislative presentations we are asked to
make, and the number of media hits we get.
Take our messaging work as an example. We examine how messages change over
time and use that as a measure of our influence, and we look at whether the
media and others echo our messages. For example, several years ago, we advocated
for continued Medicaid funding. At the time, there was a national trend to cut
Medicaid funding because state budgets were in trouble and Medicaid consumed
a large proportion of those budgets. In response to that trend, we started a
campaign that characterized Medicaid as an economic engine. Our
analyses showed that Medicaid dollars were creating jobsmany in the private
health care sector-and acting as an economic stimulus with huge benefits for
the state.
When we first started describing Medicaid as an economic engine, we received
tremendous pushback from government officials, legislators, and the business
community for applying a business concept to social justice issue. Over time,
however, the legislature and press started talking about Medicaid's economic
impact in our state. We considered this an advocacy success; our message was
picked up and used by others as if it was their own. In turn, the message helped
change legislators' minds about cutting Medicaid.
It can be difficult to explain to foundations that simply preventing budget
cuts is an enormous win. In this case, we showed that the phrase economic
engine was never in the Medicaid lexicon until we started making our point.
We also showed that our ally organizations began calling Medicaid an economic
engine. In fact, one organization sent a postcard with a train engine on it
to all of the state's legislators. We really used our message to convince legislators
that Medicaid funding is important to our state's economy and has an enormous
impact on the whole health infrastructure.
Ultimately, while many states around the country cut their Medicaid budgets,
New Mexico did not. In fact, our Medicaid budget grew during those years. Our
measuresespecially the media-related measureshelped us build a credible
and defensible case about our contribution to that outcome.
How do you define long-term success, and how do you measure your part in
it?
Ultimate success for us will mean that, in New Mexico, poverty decreases and
child well-being increases. While it is difficult to make a causal link between
those changes and our efforts, again, we can build a case about our contribution
to these impacts in various ways. One way is by looking at what other states
or countries have accomplished with the same kinds of policy changes that we
advocate for. For example, we recently examined our state's poverty level compared
to several years ago and saw it had decreased somewhat. While I would never
claim that we did this on our own, we were able to show that the same constellation
of policy changes on which we worked in New Mexico also had impacts on poverty
in Great Britain. We compared our experiences and data patterns to Great Britain's
to show that we were on the right track.
How do you learn from and use evaluation data?
We want to succeed in changing policies, but we also want to make sure those
policies have real impacts. Our theory of change has a feedback loop that goes
from policy change back to the beginning step of problem definition. After a
policy changes, we ask: When the policy was implemented, did it actually impact
people's lives? We then use data to find the answer.
For example, when we started working on unemployment insurance reform, we tested
different theories about how to help families bridge the gap between jobs. We
came out with several policy recommendations for increasing unemployment insurance.
Once those policies were adopted, we looked at the benefits actually paid to
families, along with other data, to examine if our theories were right. In fact,
the data showed that we were partly right. Now, we have to ask ourselves if
we need to go back and advocate for more policy changes.
What do you want to look at with evaluation that you aren't already tracking?
I wish that we could visually map the players, both pro and con, on any single
policy initiative and place ourselves on that map. We are only one of many pushes
and pulls in the policy process, and we are often not the most influential or
powerful players. Mapping all of the players would allow us to put our work
in context. Sometimes, we have a small win, but the opposition was formidablebetter
resourced and with greater leverage. We'd like to capture that information.
We would like the time and resources to step back and see how our work fits
on the map of a policy initiative. If we could do this more often, I think we
could better maximize our connections with other players and make our work even
more effective.
For more information about New Mexico Voices for Children, contact current
executive director Catherine Direen at cdireen@nmvoices.org.
New Mexico Voices for Children: The Blowfish Theory of Change
Policy change occurs when community leaders receive credible and reliable
data and research AND community members provide personal stories and advocate
for change.
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Click here for a larger version of
the figure.
Abby Weiss, Project Manager,
HFRP.
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